Köprü Anasayfa

Gecikmiş Bir Cihad Çağrısı

"Yaz 94" 47. Sayı

  • Freedom and Constitutionalism

    Şükran Vahide

    Bediuzzaman was saved from his place of custody in Istanbul and takensecretly to Salonica.1 There he stayed as a guest in the house of Manyasizade Refik Bey,who was to be Minister of Justice in the first Cabinet following the proclamation of theConstitution, and was at that time Chairman of the Central Committee of the Committee ofUnion and Progress in Salonica. Through him Bediuzzaman made the acquaintance of theleading figures of the CUP.2

    As was mentioned above, the CUP was one group within the Young Turkmovement, which formed the main focus of opposition to Sultan Abdulhamid, and had membersboth within Turkey and in Europe. In Turkey, the movement was well suppressed, butconditions favoured its growth, partiCularly among army officers, the composition of whomwas changing as a result of the reforms. It was in Salonica, a place open to diverseinfluences, that a group of officers together with a number of others, founded arevolutionary secret society in 1906. And subsequently establishing relations with one ofthe groups of Young Turks in Paris, adopted their name of the Committee of Union andProgress.3

    It is important at this point to clarify Bediuzzaman’s attitude towardspolitics generally, and towards the Young Turks: We can make two main points. Firstly,Bediuzzaman’s involvement with politics was always with the aim of making politics servereligion, to point out Islamic principles and give direction to those in power. He wasnever involved in politics for their own sake, or for power, prestije or position. TheCommittee of Union and Progress in Salonica were a "mixed bunch’, what unified themwas their patriotism and desire to save the crumbling Empire. The majority of them beingarmy officers, they had little experience of politics and political administratiori, andeven when they forced the proclamation of the Constitution, they had no political plan orprogramme4 For the most part, their attitude towards Islam was positive; and not only asthe main politically unifying factor of the Empire. Even the secular theorists from amongthe Young Turks such as Ahmed Rıza and Abdullah Cevdet accepted the positive function ofIslam in society.5 Bediuzzaman himself later wrote: "At the beginning of theConstitutional Period I saw that there were atheists who had infiitrated the CUP whoaccepted that Islam and the Şeriat of Muhammed contained exalted prineiples extremelybeneficial and valuable for the life of society and particularly Ottoman policies and whosupported the Şeriat with all their strength…"6 But while a majority of them werein any event not hostile to Islam, due to their secular backgrounds and education, theyhad been influenced in varying degrees by European ideas; many were uninformed about theirreligion and were lax in the practice of it. An important reason, therefore, inBediuzzaman associating with the Young Turks before the Constitution was proclaimed was topersuade them that for the Empire’s future progress and well-being, Freedom must beestablished on the Şeriat and Islam adhered to, as well as for himself to be able toserve this end. But again it must be stressed that while he continued to support thoseYoung Turks who shared this end, he became a strenuous opponent of those of them whodeviated from it. For their part, the leading members of the CUP in Salonica wereImpressed by the calibre of this famous young scholar, and, as a man of religion and anunswerving supporter of Freedom, were keen to employ him in the propagation of his ideason Freedom.

    The second point to make about Bediuzzaman and politics will perhapsilluminate this further. Bediuzzaman was a realist; he accepted the current situation, andlooking to the future, sought ways of directing the trend of events into Islamicchanneles. For example, subsequent to the French Revolution, the ideas of liberty,equality, justice, and the rule of law had been universally accepted as preferable todespotism and arbitrary rule; the trend towards representative government was inevitableand unavoidable, in the Ottoman Empire as well as in Europe.

    Bediuzzaman accepted the trend, and through pointing out that theseluminous concepts are not the exclusive property of the West as the Europeans would haveit, but are fundamental to Islam, showed the way towards developing a truly Islamic formof government. This demonstrating that consultation, equality before the law, justice,freedom, and brotherhood are enjoined by Islam and were practised by the Prophet Muhammedand his immediate suecessors, and that despotism is contrary to Islam, is not apologeticsnor some belated and dubious claim to them as is often portrayed, but is a genuinestatement of faet, and is, furthermore, a recognition of the dynamic nature of theŞeriat.

    Bediuzzaman’s success in spreading these ideas in Salonica caused him to belooked on very favourably by the Committe of Union and Progress, and in regard to this,the Commander of the Third Army, then stationed in Salonica, Field Marshall İbrahimPaşa, summoned him in order to meet him. Undaunted by the Paşâ’s rank and thesensitivity of the issues, Bediuzzaman put forwards his ideas with his usual fearlessnessin the interview. The Paşa must have been persuaded of them to a degree anyway for heafterwards asked Kazım Nami, his political advisor: "Did you know this Bediuzzamanbefore? He is extremely knowledgeable in every subject… his ideas are different justlike his dress…"7 The meeting caused quite a sensation and reports of it appeared inthe Young Turk newspapers puhlished in Paris. They praised Bediuzzaman as a hope forFreedom and Justice in the area of religion and learning.8

    Another figure of some fame, or, notoriety, got to hear of Bediuzzaman andhis aetivities, and that was Emanuel Karaso, later the jewish deputy for Salonica, andGrand Master of the Macedonia Risorta Masons’ Lodge. No doubt wanting to find a way ofinfluencing such a talent ad using it for his own purposes, he sought a meeting withBediuzzaman. Bediuzzaman agreed, but the Grand Master left abruptly half way through theconversation, and confessed to those waiting for him outside: "If I had stayed anylonger, he would have made a Muslim of me!"

    In July, 1908, the events in Macedonia leading to the proclamation of theConsttution followed on one after the other. During a meeting of the Central Committee ofthe CUP, it was decided that the first speech should be given by Bediuzzaman. Thisdecision is recorded in the memoirs of Atıf Bey, also present.

    "Despite it [Freedom] being first proclaimed in Manastır, theoriginal decision was for it to be in Salonica, which we called the Cradle of Freedom. Wehad met in Manyasizade Refik Bey’s house. There were eleven of us, of whom eight were inthe Amy. Refik Bey was in the chair, and there was Bediuzzaman Said Kurdi representingreligion, and Hafız İbrahim Efendi, who had supported the CUP in every respect from thestart and was later Deputy for İpekli. It was decided that the first speech should begiven by Bediuzzaman, who attracted attention with everything he did. When Fethi Bey(later CUP General Secretary, and, as Fethi Okyar, was Prime minister under the Republic)suggested we fix its subject, Refik Bey replied pointing to Bediuzzaman: ‘I am of theopinion that whatever the Hazret says, it will be applauded.’ In truth, I still recall thespeech. I was astonished, he spoke not about different forms of government and the like,but said that the real need of the country was for roads, bridges, aeroplanes, railways,trade, faetories, and institutions of science and learning."10

    Indeed, in the speech he gave, firstly impromptu in Beyazit in Istanbulimmediately following the proelamation of the Constitution, and subsequently in FreedomSquare in Salonica, Bediuzzaman explained to the people the meaning of constitutionalism,and how they should regard it, and that if the Şeriat was made the source of it,"This oppressed nation will progress a thousand times further than in formertimes."

    ‘Adress to Freedom’

    The text of the speech, entitled ‘Address to Freedom’, is too long toinclude here in its entirety, so we shall rather briefly point out the rnain ideas itdescribes, and include parts of it by way of illustration. But first, it is worth notingthe importance Bedizzaman attached to illuminating and mobilizing the ordinary people andcommıınity of believers in the struggle for progress, as is illustrated by the fewintroductory sentences to th Address to Freedom: For while the proclamation of theConstitution was greeted with jubilation it was not permissihie to obey it, a belief thatwas clearly open to exploitation by its opponents.11

    In addition, in regard to politics, the fundamental ideas that Bediuzzamanadhered to was that all the community should participate in the political process, andthat the government should reflect the nation’s will, and that, furthermore, governmentbased on these principles was enjoined by Islam. Following the proclamation oftheConstitution, therefore, Bediuzzaman expended much effort addresssing the ordinary people,and especially his fellows Kurds, who had been subject to negative propaganda about theConstitution and were deeply suspicious of it, in order to explain to them its meaning, adtheir own rights and responsibilities towards it. And so, in an introductory passage tothe Address to Freedom, Bediuzzaman addresses his audience directly and asks them toparticipate mentally in what he is going to discuss. Let their hearts be open… "Forthere is work to do for your zeal, religious feeling, and endeavour; they are going todiscuss certain matters; they are going to kindle a light from the dark conners of theheart."12

    Rather than being merely an ode in praise of Freedom, the Address toFreedom13 is primarily an exhortation to adhere to Islam and its morality in the new era.With the advent of Freedom, the Ottoman nation has been given the opportunity to progressand establish true civilization as in former time, but this will only be achieved if theymake the Şeriat the foundation of Freedom.14 It points out the detrimental effects ofdespotism on the one hand, and the possibilities for progress that Freedom provides on theother. Together with this, it constitutes a programme of what must be achieved and whatmust be avoided in order to preserve Freedom and secure progress. In doing this itdescribes some of the causes of the Ottoman decline.

    "O Freedom!… I convey these glad tidings to you, that if you makethe Şeriat, which is life, the source of life, and if you grow in that paradise, thisoppressed nation will progress a thousand times further than in former times. If, that is,it takes you as its gurde in all matters and does not besmirch you through harbouringpersonal enmity and thoughts of revenge… Freedorn has exhumed us from the grave ofdesolation and despotism, and summoned us to the paradise of unity and love ofnation…"

    "…The doors of a suffering-free paradise of progress andcivilization have been opened to us… The Constitution, which is in aceordance with theŞeriat, is the introduction to the sovereignty of the nation and invites us to enter likethe treasury-guard of Paradise. O my oppressed compatriots! Let us go and enter!"

    So, having pointed out that sovereignty will now lie with the nation, Bediuzzaman goes onto deseribe "five doors" that have to be entered, or five principles to which the State should be bound so that this paradise might be attained. The first is "the union of hearts". This has been described as preserving the consciousness of the Ottoman State’s unity and wholeness, especialy in the face of the nationalist and separatist movements of the minorities. The second door is "love of the nation". That is, the individuals who make up the nation being aware of their nationhood and nurturing love for one another. Remembering that "The foundation and spirit of our true nationhood is Islam."15 The third is "education", whichrefers to the cultural and educational level of tlıe nation being raised to asatisfactory point. The fourth is "human endeavour"; that is, everyone beingguaranteed work, and receiving fair recompense for their labour. And the fifth door is"the giving up of dissipation", which is understood as the giving up ofostentation and extravagance, both on an individual level and as a society, which causediseord, and were a malaise afflicting state officials in particular at that time.16

    Bediuzzaman points out the harmful effects of the vice and immorality thatresult from despotism, material as well as moral, while "The voice of Freedom andjustice… raises to life our emotions, hopes, exalted national aspirations, and fineIslamic character and morality, all of which were dead."

    After immediately warning against killing these again "throughdissipation and carelesness in religion", Bediuzzaman predicts that unity, adherenceto Islamic morality together with the successful functioning of the constitutionalgovernment and genuine practice of the Islamic principle of consultation will result inthe Ottoman nation soon "competing neck and neck with the civilized nations."The metaphors for progress Bediuzzaman uses in the passage demonstrate his own belief inseience and technology.

    Bediuzzaman next warns against acquiring "the sins and evils ofeivilization" and abandoning its virtues. The Ottomans should imitate the Japanese intaking from Western civilization what will assist them in progress; while preserving theirown national customs:

    "We shall take with pleasure the points of Europe like technology andindustriy that will assist us in progress and civilization. However… we shall forbid thesins and evils of civilization from entering the bounds of Freedom and our civilizationwith the sword of the Şeriat, so that the young people in our civilization will beprotected by the pure, cold spring of life of the Şeriat. We must imitate the Japanese inacquiring civilization, for in taking only the virtues of civilization from Europe theypreserved their national customs, which are the leaven nf every nation’s continuance.Since our national eustoms grew up within Islam, they should be clung on to in tworespects."

    By contrasting conditions under the old and new regimes, Bediuzzaman goeson to describe five indestructible truths on which Freedom will be established. They areas follows: the Firs Truth is unity, the Second, science, learning, and civilization. TheThird is a new generation of able and enlightened men to lead and administer the nation,Bediuzzaman describes how with "the rain of Freedom’, the abilities andpotentialities of every one, even common villagers, will develop and be expanded so that"the vigorous field of Asia and Rumelia well produce the crops’ of the brilliant andsuperior men so badly needed. "And the East will be to the West what dawn is tosunset. If, that is, they do not wither up through the languor of idleness and poison ofmalice:’

    The Fourth Truth is the Şeriat. Bediuzzaman explains: "Since theIllustrious Şeriat has come from the PreEternal Word of God, it will go toPost-Eternity." For it is dynamic. The Şeriat adapts and expands in relation toman’s development. It comprises equality, justice, and true freedom with all its relationsand requirement. The initial period of Islam is proof of this. Therefore, Bediuzzamansays, their present unfortunate condition results from four causes: failure to observe theŞeriat, arbitrary and erroneous interpretations of it, bigotry on the part of certain"abandoning through ill-fortune and bad choice, the virtues of Europe, which aredifficult to acquire, and imitating like parrots or children the sins and evils ofcevilization, which are agreeable to man’s base appetites."

    The Fifth Truth is the Parliament, and the Islamic principle of mutualeonsultation. In this complex modern age, it is only through a constituent assembly,consultation, and freedom of thought that the state can be upheld, administered, andguided.

    Bediuzzaman completes the Address with three "warnins". Firstlystate officials who are prepared to adapt to the new regime must be treaded with respectand their experience must be benefited from. Secondly, he points out that the sicknessafflictin the Empire has spread from the centre of the Caliphate, from Istanbul, and goeson to urge reconciliation between "the three main branches of the "publicguide", the scholars of the scholars of the tekkes. This point was discussed above,as was the following, third warning, which conserns the preachers. Again, Bediuzzaman isurging them to renew their ideas and methods, and speak conformably with the needs of thetimes.

    Bediuzaman’s Ideas on Freedom and Constitutionelism

    What, then was the relationship between constitutionalism and Islam? Forin this speech, and in all his speeches and writings of the time, Bediuzzaman was at painsto make clear to the people that the Consitution, which was the 1876 Constitution, was inno way contrary to the Şeriat. He describes it as the "Kanun-u Şer’i",17 orIslamic Constitution, and "the Constitution which is founded on the Şeriat."18"Costitutionalism and the Constitution about which you have heard," explainedBediuzzaman, "consists of true justice and consultation enjoined by theŞeriat."19

    Bediuzzaman very often gives clear definitions of costitutionalism bycontrasting it with despotism:

    "Despotism is oppression. It is dealing with other in an arbitraryfashion. is compulsion relying on force. It is ıe opinion of one person. It providesetremely favourable ground for exploitation. It is the basis of tyranny. It annihilateshumanity. It is despotism which reduces man to the most abjeet alleys of abasement, hascaused the Islamic world to sink into abjection and degradation, which arouses animosityand malice, has poisoned Islam and in fact sows its poison everywhere by contagion, andhas caused endless conflict within Islam by giving rise to its deviants sects like theMu’tazile, Cebriyya, and Mürci’a…"20

    Constitutionalism, on the other hand, is "the manifestation of theQur’anic verses ‘And consult them in affairs [of public concern],21 and ‘Whorule inconsuhltation among themselves’.22 It is the consultation enjoined by the Şeriat. Thisluminous body’s life is truth, in place of force. Its heart is knowledge, its tongue,love. Its mind is the law not an individual. Indeed, constitutionalism is the sovereigntyof the nation…’23 And again, "…the real meaning of constitutionalism is thatpower lies in the law…"24

    On another occasion Bediuzzaman stated: "I expounded and commented indetail on the authentic connection between the Şeriat and constitutionalism in numerousspeeches. And I explained that tyrannous despotism has no connection with the Şeriat. Foraccording to the meaning of the Hadith, ‘A nation’s ruler is its servant’ the Şeriat cameto the world in order to extirpate oppression and despotic tyranny… And I said thatessentially, the true way of the Şeriat es the reality of constitutionalism in aceordancewith the Şeriat. That is to say, I accepted constitutionalism on proofs from theŞeriat…"25 "…I claimed that it is possible to deduce the truths ofconstitutionalism explicitly, implicitly, permissibly, from the Four Schoolls of IslamicLaw ."26

    A further argument was: "The consensus of the community constitutes acertain proof in the Şeriat. The opinion of the mass of the people forms a fundamentalprinciple in the Şeriat. The public wish is esteemed and respected in the Şeriat."27

    On the question, "Some people say [constitutioalism] is contrary tothe Şeriat?" being put to him, Bediuzzaman replied: "The spirit ofconstitutionalism is from the Şeriat. And its life is from it. But under force ofcircumstance it may be that some details fall temporarily contrary to it. Also, it is notnecessary for all situations that arise during the constitutional period to have arisenfrom eonstitutionalism. and what is there that confırms to the Şeriat in everyrespect…?"28

    Thus, Bediuzzaman’s approach can be seen to be realistic. While in essenceconstitutionalism did not differ from Islamic principles, the extremely difficultcircumstances of the time demanded a measured and balanced approach. It was a question of"making constitutionalism conform to the Şeriat meticulously and in a balancedmanner taking into account what is required."29

    As for consultation, which, as is shown above, is enjoined by Islam,Bediuzzaman frequently stressed it as constituent of eonstitutionalism. He described it as"the key to the good fortune, felicity, and sovereignty of Islam."30 Because, dueto the nature of constitutionalism, consultation is practised in all areas of the stateand society. "Yes, this is the time of constitutionalism; consultation rules ineverything."31 That is to say, when constitutionalism is adopted by a government, itspreads throughout the state and manifests itself as consultation, the supremacy of publicopinion and consensus. These and their accompanying unity, co-operation, and brotherhoodare fundamental to progress:

    "When constitutionalism falls to the lot of a government, the idea offreedom awakens constitutionalisn in every respect. It gives birth to a sort ofconstitutionalism in every area and walk of life, according to the calling of each. Itresults in a sort of constitutionalism among the ulemâ, in the medreses, and among thestudents. Indeed, it inspires a particular constitutionalism and renewal in all walks oflife. It is flashes of consultation, then hinting of the sun of happiness, and inspringdesire, mutual attraction, and harmony, that have caused me to love the ConstitutionalGovernment so much…"32

    Bediuzzaman also describes scientific progress in terms of ‘historicalconsultation’, and stresses its importance:

    "Just as the consultation of the ages and centuries that mankind haspractised by means of histroy, a ‘conjunction of ideas’ or ‘meeting of minds’, formed thebasis of the progress and sciences of all mankind, so too one reason for the backwardnessof Asia, the largest continent, was the failure to practise that true consultation. Thekey and discloser of the continent of Asia and its future is mutual eonsultation. That isto say, just as individuals should consult with one another, so must nations andcontinents also practise consultation.."33

    As regards Freedom, as is clear from the Address to Freedom, it could onlybe the source of progress if the Şeriat was taken as the basis of it. It did not consistof absolute freedom or Iicence. While technology and industry could be imported fromEurope, which in any case were not the property of the West, the Ottomans stood in no needof their culture, morals, and "the evils of civilization".

    "I declare with all my strength," said Bediuzzaman, "thatour progress will only occur through the progress of Islam, which is our nationality, andthrough the manifestation of the truths of the Şeriat. Otherwise we shall confirm thesaying, ‘he abandoned his own way of walking, and did not learn anyone else’s."34

    Bediuzzaman defined Freedom as follows:

    "Delicate Freedom is instructed and adorned by the good manners ofthe Şeriat. Freedom to be dissolute and behave scandalously is not Freedom. Rather, it isanimality. It is the tyranny of the Devil. It is to be the slave of the evil-commandingsoul. General Freedom is the product of the portions of individual Freedom. Thecharacteristic of Freedom is that one harms neither oneself, nor others."35

    "Freedom is this: apart from the law of justice and punishment, noone can dominate over anyone else. Everybody’s rights are protected. In their legitimateactions, everyone is royally free. The prohibition: ‘Take not one from among yourselves asLord over you apart from God’ is manifest.36

    That is to say, "Freedom springs frombelief in God." for, "belief requires not degrading others through tyranny andoppression, and abasing them, and not abasing oneself before oppressors. Someone who is atrue slave of God cannot be a slave to others."37 "That is to say, however prefected belief is, Freedom will shine tothat degree."38

    Bediuzzaman say that Freedom is not to be absolved from all the ties ofsocial life and civilization, "Rather, what shines Iike the sun, is the beloved ofevery soul, and is the equal of the essence of humanity is that Freedom which is seated inthe felicitous palace of civilization and is adorned with knowledge, virtue, and the goodmanners and raimend of Islam."39

    The positive results of Freedom with regard to progress were in part notedabove in the Address to Freedom: unity, love of the nation, the end to "personelenmity and thoughts of revenge", and also to extravagance and vice; the eliminationof the chains on human thought; the rearing of a new, generation of able men to run thecountry. In another work he says it is Islamic Freedom "which teaches mankind exaltedaims in the form of competition for exalted things, and causes them to strive on that way;which shatters despotism; and excites exalted emotions and destroys jealousy, envy,malice, and rivalry, and is furnished with true awakening, the eagerness of competition,the tendency towards renewal, and the predisposition for civilization… It has beenfitted out with the inclination and desire for the highest perfections worthy ofhumanity."40

    Indeed, Freedom was the means of "the progress of Islam’. Bediuzzamaneclared that "Freedom is the only way of delivering three hundred and seventy millionstrong Islam from captivity."41 And that: "The Ottomans’ Freedom is the discloserof mighty Asia’s good fortune. It is the key to the prosperity of Islam. It is thefoundation of the ramparts of Islamic unity."42

    Bediuzzaman explains this in terms of a reawakening of the consciousnessof "Islamic nationhood" among individual Muslims. That is to say, as a result ofFreedom, sovereignty now lies with the nation, or Islamic community, and "eachindividual Muslim possesses an actual part of the sovereignty."43 Bediuzzaman’s use ofscientific language and metaphors in the first of the following passages shows that hewanted to demonstrate that this was the first step on the road to scientific advance andcivilization:

    "Freedom has made manifest nationhood. The luminous jewel of Islamwithin the shell of nationhood has begun to appear. It has given news of Islam’s stirringand motion [showing] that each Muslim is not independent like an atom, but is part of acompound, interconnected and ascending.., Each is united with all the other parts throughthe general attraction of Islam."44 And:

    "Islamic Freedom and the consultation enjoined by the Şeriat havemade marıifest the sovereignty of our true nationhood. The foundation and spirit of ourtrue nationhood is Islam… Thus through the bond of this sacred nationhood, all thepeople of Islam become like a single tribe… They assist one another morally and ifnecessary, materially…"45

    A further point Bediuzzaman frequently stressed was that in this modernage material progress was the most effective way of ‘upholding the Word of God’, withwhich every believer is charged. In other words, it was a fundamental duty of all Ottomansand Muslims to work for progress.

    "Each believer is charged with ‘upholding the Word of God’. In thisage, the greatest cause of this is to progress materially, for the Europeans are morallycrushing us under their tyranny with thew eapons of science and industry. We, therefore,shall wage holy war with the weapons of science and industry on the greatest enemies of’upholding the Word of God’, which are ignorance, poverty, and conflicting ideas. And weshall refer external holy war to the diamond sword of the certain proofs of theIllustrious Şeriat.

    For the civilized are to be conquered through persuasion and beingconvinced, not through compulsion as though they were savages who understandnothing."46

    For Bediuzzaman, then, "Constitutionalism within the sphere of theŞeriat" was "teh means of upholding the might of Islam and exalting the Word ofGod."47

    Beduuaman Combats Disunity and Secularism

    There followed after the proclamation of the Constitution a period of openand vigorous debate made possible by the new freedom of thought and expression.Bediuzzaman took every advantage of this, endeavouring to further the cause of Islam andunity through every means possible. He gave speeches, addressed gatherings, and publishedarticles in many of the newspapers and journals that appeared with the advent of Freedom,together with publishing a number of independent works.

    Although the debate centred on the old questions of how progress could besecured and the Empire saved, the tension created by external and internal pressurescaused a polarization and hardening of ideas. There were broadly seen to be three mainanswers: westernization, Islam, and increasingly, in reaction to the sparatist activitiesof the minorities, Turkish nationalism. These did not necessarily run parallel to thepolitical parties which developed, and adherents to all three currents were to be foundwithin the Committee of Union and Progress, though the image it acquired was predominantlysecular and Western. Following the Revolution the CUP remained in the background with itsheadquarters in Salonica, largely making its presence felt through established figures.

    The proclamation of the Constitution had been met with widespreadrejoicing and optimism; it was seen to be the cure for all the many and serious illsafflicting the Empire. But those high and fervent hopes were soon to he dashed. Almostimmediately there were substantial losses of territor, and rather than serving unity, thefirst parliament opened five months later, intensified division. In pursuing its aim ofholding the empire together through its strong centralist policies, the CUP increasinglyresorted to force. The 31st of March Incident provided it with the opportunity to disbandthe opposition parties and restrict political freedom. Though the opposition reformed,within five years the CUP had set up the military dictatorship that was to lead the Empireto its final collapse in 1918.

    In the first months of Freedom, opposition to the CUP was centred in theLiberals, or Ahrar, who, with hasty preparations, were the only party to challenge the newregime in the first elections at the end of 1908. Their leader was Prince Sabahaddin Bey,a nephew of Sultan Abdulhamid aild rival in their days of exile in Paris to Ahmed Rıza,who became one of the main ideologues of the CUP. While the CUP were committed to a policyof strong central government, following a different school of French philosophers,Sabahaddin Bey had developed what he believed would be the solution for the Empire basedon the totally opposite principles of ‘Personal Initiative and Decentralization’. Theseideas, which involved a devolvement of power from the Government to the various milletsand religious and ethnic minorities, aroused extreme opposition.

    Included in Bediuzzaman’s first work, Nutuk, (Speech) published in 1910,is an open letter to Sabahaddin bey entitled, Reply to Prince Sabahaddin Bey’s Good butMisunderstood Idea.48

    In it Bediuzzaman points out that a federal system for the Ottoman Empireivas theoretically aceeptable but because the level of development of the differentmillets and groups varied greatly, it was not practicable at that time. "Life lies inunity", he wrote. It is interesting to note that at that time of mudslinging,intimidation, and political violence, Sabahaddin Bey himself commented on Bediuzzaman’s"intellectual excellence", describin his manner of address of as "the verymodel of polite discourse."49

    Bediuzzaman likened "love of the nation" to the attractionbetween particles; just as the latter-caused the formation of a mass, so did "love ofthe nation’ result in the formation of a eohesive whole. It was through strengtheningthese bonds of unity and awareness and love of the nation that a harmony of progress couldbe achieved. Bediuzzaman did not believe that national differences should be erased, onthe contrary as we have seen, it was his v iew that the Government should be working toraise all the elements of the Empire to the same level through programmes geared to"the intellectual capacity and national customs of each." This would result inhealthy competition.

    Quite correctly as it turned out, Bediuzzaman warned Sabahaddin Bey that the idea of decentralization and "its nephews’ the political clubs and organizations of the various minorities, would lead to autonomy, and "rending the veil of Ottomanism and constitutionalism", to independence and an army of small states. Bediuzzaman could not equate the breaking-up of the Empire, stirring up of discord, and destruction of the future with the patriotism and nobility of such a gifted and highly-educated person. As believers in God’s Unity, they were charged with establishing unity and cultivating love of the nation. Islam was sufficient. Solutions should be sough within the framework of Islam.50

    Reflecting the attitude of many, of the CUP and their followers in thisperiod, there was a general air of laxty, exsess, and carelessness in matters of religion.In the face of the circulation so many new, ideas from Europe, this was coupled withuncertainty and confusion as to religion and its role. It is in this light thatBediuzaman’s enormous concern to address the intellectuals and to educate as many peopleas he could reach from all levels of society about the true meaning of Freedom,constitutionalism, and the vital role of Islam in progress shold be seen.

    Another open letter Bediuzzaman wrote was in December 1908 to HüseyinCahid, the editor of the Tanin, the chief press organ of the CUP. He was at the same timeone of their leading ideologues. An influential, proponent of cultural as well as materialWesternization, Hüseyin Cahid campaigned for the cause of secularization, that is, theseparation of religion from all state affairs. It was in answer to his broaching thisvexed question in a leading article in the Tanin on medrese reform that Bediuzzaman wrotehis open letter.

    The gist of the letter was that, having failed to grasp the true nature ofIslam, Hüseyin Cahid had made the mistake of attempting to compare it with Christianity.Bediuzzaman quoted the maxim ‘There is no clergy in Islam and explained that is was abasic tenet and not open to dispute. It was not possible to compare Christian sects andorders with Sufism, because Islam is a total order and system of living. The duties ofworship which Islam imposes cannot be separated from the Şeriat, because the Şeriat doasnot leave them as theoretical, but makes them the very order of life. Islam is the onlyreligion the ordinances of whivh provide "eternal eriteria" for its members inboth the life of this world and the Hereafter. Bediuzzaman understands too that change isnecessary and points out that the reinterpretation of the Şeriat is a duty that shouldnot be restricted to non-particular matters, but also applied to particular ordinancesbased on custom and usage. He urges Hüseyin Cahid to realize and appreciate the dynamicnature of the Şeriat, "which accepts the principle of change in judgements in theface of changing times."

    Bediuzzaman concluded his open letter by advising Hüseyin Cahid to savehimself the pointless trouble of examining imported goods such as secularism when there is"the magnificent entity and power" of the Şeriat "which provides for everyaspect of the communtity’s life, and came into existence only through the Qur’an, theperpetual miracle of the religion of Islam."51

    "Europe is pregnant with Islam"

    In the autumn of 1908, one of the leading members of the famous el-EzherUniversity in Cairo, and at one time Grand Mufti of Egypt, Şeyh Muhammed Bahid52 visitedIstanbul. The Istanbul ulema, who themselves had been unable to better Bediuzzaman inargument and debate, asked Şeyh Bahid if he would be prepared to meet him.

    The Şeyh accepted, and an opportunity was found one day after the prayersin Aya Sophia. Bediuzzaman ivas seated in a tea-house. Other ulema also being present,Şeyh Bahid approached Bediuzzaman, and put the following question to him:

    "What is your opinion concerning Freedom and the Ottoman State, andEuropean civilization?"

    Bediuzzaman’s unhesitating reply revealed his realism and insight.

    "The Ottoman State is pregnant with Europe, and it will give birth toan European state one day. And Europe is pregnant with Islam; one day it will give birthto an Islamic state."

    Şeyh Bahid applauded this answer.

    "One cannot argue with th is young man’, he said. "I am of thesame opinion myself. But only Bediuzzaman could express it so suecinctly andeloquently."53

    Bediuzzaman Maintains Public Order

    As the great effusion of optimism at the coming of Freedom was trensformedinto disillusion and views and parties became more polarized, the situation generallybecame increasingly volatile and unstable. Thus, in order that constitutionalism couldbecome established and its benefits be obtained, Bediuzzaman did whatever he could tomaintain public order and harmony. There are many examples, such as the following.

    The first major blows to the Empire under the new regime occurred soonafter the Constitution was proclaimed. On 5 October,1908, Austria annexedBosnia-Herzogovina, and Bulgaria proclaimed independence, while on the 6th Greece annexedCrete. In responsse to this, on the lOth October, the people of Istanbul declared aboycott on all Austrian goods and the places where they were sold. The twenty thousand orso Kurdish porters on whom the commercial life of Istanbul depended defied their foremenand were preparing to go on strike. The whole business started to get out of hand. Toavert this threat to Istanbul’s trade and business life, Bediuzzaman went immediately tothe tea-houses and places the porters frequented and persuaded them to avoid any extremeaction.

    In one place, the Aşiret Han, immediately gaining command of thesituation with his fine voice, Bediuzzaman said the following to the porters:

    "You are all from the East like me and you have all crossed theTigris and the Euphrates on rafts. You know too that on one occasion a group crossing theTigris on a raft tried to get rid of some of the ropes and crossbeams of which the raftwas composed in order to lighten the load and move more swiftly. Of course, on doing thisthe main planks of the raft came apart and both themselves and their belogings ended up inthe water.

    "In the same way, your foremen are like the ropers and cross-beams;they do not appear to serve any purpose but in fact they are vital. If they were to go,your harmony would be spoilt and your work confused. Just like the raft that sank, youwould be compelled to split up and disperse."

    With this the insurrection came to nothing. The porters understood theirmistake, and obeying their foremen, returned to w ork immediately. The Istanbul Chief ofPolice later came in person to offer his thanks to Bediuzzaman for preventing a harmfulsituation developing.54

    Another occasion Bediuzzaman played a similar role was at a lecture givenby the well-konw n figure and owner of the Mizan newspaper, Mizancı Murad Bey, in theFerah Theatre in Şehzadebaşı in Istanbul. The subject of the lecture was the rise andfall of the Roman Empire, and as the lecture progressed it became clear that Murad Bey,who had previously represented the ‘Islamist’ group of the Young Turks, was comparing theCommittee of Union and Progress and the Government to the Roman state. His comparisonsbecame more explicit, and the CUP supporters among the audience started muttering andgrumbling. Murad Bey continued with this criticisms unperturbed, not waverig even whenthreatened by a man with a revolver. But when the muttering developed into shouting andstamping, his opponents had their way and he was unable to continue. He withdrew into thewings, and the curtain was lowered. But the hubbub did not abate. On the contrary, theaudience, now divided into two camps, started pushing and shoving and flinging insults andabuse at each other. No one attempted to leave, and no one attempted to intervene.

    Suddenly, someone sprang nimbly onto his seat and shouted above the din:"O you Muslims one and all!" It was Bediuzzaman. Having commanded the attentionof the whole audience, he pointed out that freedom of speech had to be respected, it wasshameful for members of a nation that had just proclaimed Freedom and constitutionalism toexceed the bounds of good behaviour and prevent a speaker from lecturing in this way. Thereligion of Islam olso commanded that ideas be respected. He supported what he said withverses from the Qur’an and Hadiths, gave examples from Islamic history, and told them ofhow the Prophet Muhammed used to consult the ideas of other and related his teachingis andwords, then advised them all to disperse quietly and go on their way.

    Bediuzzaman spoke so well and eonv incingly that no one objected. Even the roughs and rowdies who a few minutes earlier had been hurling invective and abuse said nothing. Everyone left the theatre thornughly subdued and contrite.55

    The writer of the work from which the deseription of the above event istaken, Münir Süleyman Çapanoğlu, had further memories from that time, which he toldNecmeddin Şahiner in an interview in 1972. He said:

    "…Certainly, he [Bediuzzaman] was someone who knew his theorieswell and could defend them well. He began way back at that time, he began in theCostitutional Period. He went at the same tempo, at the same speed, in the same direction,and defended the same ideas… They were frightened of him at that time the sanıe as inthis period, because whenever he came out onto the street, he was immediately surounded bya crowd."

    On being asked if these were his on student who flocked round him, MünirÇapanoğlu contiued:

    "Both his students and the ordinary people. But mostly the people;they wanted to see him, they walıted to hear him speak. I myself witnessed this manytimes. He spoke beautifully. He spoke persuasively…"56

    We learn from one of his works that on the Constitution being proclaimed,Bediuzzaman sent fifty to sixty telegranıs to the Eastern Provinces through the GrandVizier’s Office urging all the tribes to accept it, saying: "Constitutionalism andthe Constitution about which you have heard consists of true justice and the consultationenjoined by the Şeriat. Consider it favourably and work to preserve it, for our worldlyhappiness lies in constitutionalism. And we have suffered more than anyone fromdespotism."57

    The Constitution was not without opponents, particularly in the East wherethose whose interests were threatened were seeking to turn all the tribes against it withnegative propaganda. While Bediuzzaman spent several months in the summer of 1910travelling among them explaining its vital importance both for the Kurds and the Empireand Islamic world, as we shall see, at this point his efforts were confined to the writtenword.

    In Istanbul, too, profiting from their ignorance and naivity, opponents ofconstitutionalism were trying to provoke the Kurdish porters against the Constitution. Inresponse, Bediuzzaman took every opportunity to combat this negative propaganda andilluminate them concerning it. The text of one of his addresses to them is included inNutuk In this speech it is unity that Bediuzzaman is most insistent on. He told them thatthey had three enemies that were destroying them "poverty, ignorance, and internalconflict", but that they now had to secure "three diamond swords", withwhich to rout the three enemies and preserve themselves. These were "national unity,human endeavour, and love of the nation".

    That is to say, first the Kurds had to achieve unity among themselves,then making over the resulting "mighty force" to the Government and expending itoutwardly, they would make themselves worthy of justice, and in return for it would demandjustice and their rights from the Government. "…The Turks are our intelligence, andwe are their strength, together we make a whole person. We shall not resist them, norrebel against them. With this resolution of ours; we shall be a good example to the otherminority peoples [elements] of the Empire… If we obeyed [the Government] ‘to batman’sworth’ of obedience and unity are neccassary. For we shall see only benefits, because theConstitutional Government is in truth government based on the Şeriat… In unity liesstrength; in union, life; in brotherhood, happiness; in obedience to the Government,well-being. It is vital to hold fast to the strong rope of unity and bond of unity andbond of love."58

    A further occasion Bediuzzaman calmed a tense situation was at a massprotest organized by the medrese student in Beyazid in Istanbul in February 1909.Traditionally, students of the religious schools were exempt from military service of anykind, but following the proclamtion of the Constitution, the Government had decided tointroduce an examination on the pretext that the privilege was being abused. Students whopassed the examination were to be exempt from militar service, while for those who failedit military service would be compulsory. The students had organized the meeting ostensiblyto protest at the very short time they had been given to prepare for the examination.

    The meeting was becoming fairly turbulent by the time Bediuzzaman reachedit. Well-known to the students, he addressed them explaining the authentic relationshipbetween the Şeriat and consitutionalism and pointing out that despotism could in no waybe associated with the Şeriat. In a short time he calmed the situation and prevented anyserious disturbance occurring.

    Dipnotlar

    1. Kutay, Cemal, Bediüzzaman,186

    2. İbid.,310;Şahiner, N. Said Nursi,98.

    3. Shaw and Shaw, History, ii,264-5

    4. İbid., 274.

    5. Mardin, Şerif, Continuity and change in the Idas of the young Turks,Istanbul,1969,23

    6. Barla Lahikası, 191.

    7. Kutay, Cemal, Bediüzzaman, 255.

    8. Kutay, Cemal, Tarih Sohbetleri, i, 203-4; Tarihçe,57; Şahiner, N. SaidNursi, 99

    9. İbid., 99-100

    10. Kutay, Cemal, Bediüzzaman,260-1, fn.18, quoted from, Memoirs of AtıfBey, Millet Mecmuası.

    11. Vakkasoğlu, A.Vehbi, Bediüzzaman Said Nursi’den SiyasiTesbitler, Istanbul, 1977, 17.

    12. Asar-ı Bediyye,347.

    13. Ibid, 347-356; Divan-ı Harbi Örfî,56-70.

    14. The term of Şeriat should be understood as signifying not only theinjunctions and prohibitions of the Law in a narrow sense, but the entire body of Islamicteaching.Bediüzzaman’s arguments demonstrating the conformity of constitutionalism withthe Şeriat are given following the speech.

    16. Hutbe-i Şamiye,47.

    17. Hürriyet’e Hitab, in Asar-ı Bediyye , 348, and, Divan-ı Harbi Örfî,57.

    18. Op,cit.349 and, 59.

    19.  Divan-ı Harbi Örfî,12.

    20. Münâzarât(Ott.edn.),in Asar-ı Bediyye,406.

    21. Qur’an,3:159.

    22. Qur’an,42:38.

    23. Münâzarât(Ott.edn.),in Asar-ı Bediyye,407.

    24. Ibid.,415

    25. Divan-ı Harb-i Örfî,13.

    26. Ibid.,16

    27. Münâzarât(Ott.edn.),in Asar-ı Bediyye,417.

    28. Ibid.,416

    29. Ibid.,417

    30. Divan-ı Harbi  Örfî, 41.

    31. Muhâkemat,20

    32. Münâzarât(Ott.edn.),in Asar-ı Bediyye,411.

    33. Hutbe-i Şamiye,52-3.

    34. Divan-ı Harbi Örfî,34

    35. Münâzarât,15-16.

    36. İbid.,17.

    37. Hutbe-i Şamiye,53.

    38. Münâzarât,19.

    39. İbid.,18.

    40. Hutbe-i Şamiye,29-30.

    41. Divan-ı Harbi Örfî,41.

    42. Münâzarât,21

    43. Divan-ı Harbi Örfî,41.

    44. Münâzarât,23.

    45. Hutbe-i Şamiye,47.

    46. Hakikat, Volkan No.70,26 Şubat 1325/5 March1909,in Asar-ı Bediyye,368.

    47. Lemean-ı Hakikat ve Izale-i Şübehat, Volkan No. 101, 29 Mart 1325/11 April 1909,in Asar-ı Bediyye,393.

    48. Asar-ı Bediyye,356.

    49. Kutay, Cemal, Hakikat Pırlantaları, Köprü Magazine No.36, March 1980, 33.

    50. See also, Şahiner, N. Said Nursi,114-115; Kutay, Cemal, Bediüzzaman,199-211;Kutay,Tarih Sohbetleri, IV,363-4.

    51. Kutay, Tarih Sohbetleri, V,198-202;Kutay, Bediüzzaman,226-232;Şahinler,N. SaidNursi,108-110.

    52. For further biographical details of Şeyh Bahid,d.1935, see Şahiner, Son Şahitler,IV,363-4.

    53. Tarihçe,49-50; Emirdağ Lahikası, I,108; Şahiner, N. Said Nursi,111-112,asrelated by Historian Cemal Kutay.

    55. Çapanoğlu, Münir Süleyman, Türkiye’de Sosyalizm Hareketleri ve Sosyalist Hilmi,as in Şahiner, N. Said Nursi,110,111.

    56. Şahiner, N. Nurs Yolu,131.

    57. Divan-ı Harbi Örfî,12-13.

    58. Asar-ı Bediyye, 358-9; Şahiner, N. Said Nursi,112,113.

    59. Ibid.,115-116; Divan-ı Harbi Örfî,17